So far in 'Terms of Inclusion,' I am seeing a number of key parallels with 'The Work of Recognition' and 'The Hour of Eugenics.' On some levels, Brazil and Colombia had gone down similar paths after emancipation, though this happened for each of them at different times. Both societies seemed to embrace the notion of racial democracy, what I would call an ideology of colorblindness, yet each society seemed to include a great deal of racism in practicality while denying it in their respective philosophies.
Both McGraw and Alberto also seem engaged in a similar project of cultural history in which they seek to uncover the voices of black intellectuals (cultural elites). On this note, the two stories seem also to diverge a great deal. While black intellectual elites, like Obeso, in Colombia were either isolated by virtue or prevailing racism or needed to try and assimilate into the wider national discourse, the Brazilian "Class of Color" represented an intellectual and social community which straddled the fence of racial democracy by embracing their blackness and simultaneously advocating for racial unity (i.e., "fraternity). Also interesting is the extent to which the "Class of Color," as its name clearly suggests, represents a conflation of class and race, perhaps the antithesis of the Boga construction of race and class we saw in Colombia.
At the same time, the argument in "Terms of Inclusion" seems highly consistent with the discourse surrounding Eugenics in Latin America in the early twentieth century. While no one was advocating extermination or sterilization policies, the notions of nation building through racial cohesion and the tacit (and not so tacit) embrace of white bodily aesthetics and a very obvious desire to whiten the population through deterring black immigrants and courting white ones is really worth noting.
I agree that many of the components of Alberto's discussion seem parallel "The Work of Recognition" and "The Hour of Eugenics". I feel like there are also similarities with "To Die This Way" as well, as racial cohesion was a focal point as the myth of the mestizaje attempted to render indigenous people invisible from the national identity. There is also an attempt to silence the voices of black individuals in Brazil through the narrative of a lack of racial inequalities.
Alberto in “Terms of Inclusion” uses Gilberto Freyre’s work to explain Brazils attempt at a fantasized “racial democracy” along with black thinkers to explain how this is not the truth behind Brazil’s history. Freyre was responsible for developing a relationship between whiteness, nativeness, and blackness that was non-existent. Alberto acknowledges this when she says, “rather than celebrate the eventual erasure of Africans and Indians in the process of mixture with Europeans, as had proponents of whitening, Freyre lauded the unique combination of peoples and cultures that resulted.” And as a result Freyre emphasized the role of Africans as “co-colonists,” and made the relations between Africans and Europeans a “centerpiece” of Brazil’s “racial harmony.”
Freyre’s beliefs are a complete contrast to the reality of Brazil’s racial history as most Brazilians of color continues to occupy low social and economic positions, ultimately making all the “racial democratic” rhetoric a false attempt at erasing an “embarrassing” history.
What did you guys think about this? Do you guys think that writers like Freyre are ultimately racist for trying to create a false sense of a racial reality?
I liked how you mentioned that although Brazilian elites pride themselves on a "racial democracy", we see the evidence that this is not so. Especially when you bring up the fact that social and economic positions (as well as gender roles) were indicative of this being false. I think he argued more of a "race beyond race" sort of idea that would kind of overshadow the idea of physical (scientific? or not so scientific) ideas of race.
This week, I was very drawn to the narrative and analysis of the Mae Preta (sp) in the 1920s, which Alberto identifies as indicative of a shift in Brazil's race-making from whitening and towards something different. Of particular interest was differing discourse between white intellectuals--whose championing of the Mae Preta "was rooted in nostalgia for the slave-holding past" (108)--and black intellectuals, who attempted to assert belonging "whether as members of a distinct black race or as members of a mestico (sp) race forged in part through unique contributions of Africans" (108).
Though the interpretations by both black and white men surrounding the Mae Preta and what it symbolized are, at times, misogynistic, I found it fascinating to learn that such a discourse in which labor, recognition, AND the colonial past were engaged with. It seemed to me the first time in this course in which "the concrete contributions of, and debts owed to, the 'black race'" (95) was a concern expressed on a local and national level.
Ricardo, I found your comment interesting, and I had to reflect a bit on this. Though we have seen many cases in which Indianness was incorporated into the nation-building processes of various states and even some attempts to incorporate the images of conquistadors, I think you are right that this is the first case we have seen wherein Africanness or blackness has been part of this project of nation building. I also agree that this entails a built-in sense of patriarchy as well. Though I feel there were some positive aspects of this whole debate, it was also deeply troubling on a lot of levels. It is certainly constructive that there was a discourse taking place which both acknowledged African ancestry instead of disappearing it or ignoring it through ideologies based on over-imagined amalgamation or the very real attempts to whiten the country. Yet, the quote you cite above (regarding "nostalgia") also makes me cautious about buying into this iconography too easily. Another important aspect of gender here is the conscious effort to cast Brazil's black past in very feminized terms - a factor which downplays certain labor-related aspects of slavery and also casts black males as somehow less, at least within this highly patriarchal discourse of nation making.
What I found interesting about the concept of Mae Preta, was just how powerful it became as a symbol of black “motherhood” for Brazil. There’s something definelty not right here in regards to race and gender which is shown by Alberto, but what is facinating here is that many Brazilians believe in the Mae Preta that monuments, and even songs were created as a result.
A black artist, Caco Velho even makes a song called “Mae Preta” (which places blackness on a mantel) and was banned in Portugal, in a time in which the country was trying to hold on to its colonies in Africa. The fact that this song, or even the idea of Mae Preta, was a threat to Portuguese colonialism really shows the power that Brazilians placed onto the Mae Preta and its attempts at glorifying Black “motherhood.”
Alberto approaches the topic of race in Brazil through the writings and ideas of black activists and their struggle for inclusion in a severely hierarchical society. It was interesting to see the perspective of the opposing force as opposed to the elite. The constant battle of racial inclusion in a society that was "raceless". Despite this, race found its way into other aspects of Brazilian society such as in social class, economics and gender. The embracing of African American heritage was in direct opposition to the notion of a racial democracy because of the continued disenfranchisement through other areas. The rise in Brazilian nationalism and a pure Brazilian ethnicity without blackness was being contested by the activist as Alberto describes.
I was struck by the persistence of the elite to masquerade as a country that was “race less” yet supported an ideology that made every effort to eliminate the African influence from constructs of Brazilian identity. Black intellectuals used the black press, especially in Sao Paulo, to mount campaigns of resistance to fight for their national identities and expose the myth of a Brazilian national discourse of racial democracy.
I agree, its pretty obvious their was a clear divide among the white and black press upon this issue. This books discussion on how the black press tried to shed light on constant issues of a racial democracy made it interesting. Whitening society is something that I feel speaks to this point as well, as Brazil completely barred immigration from Africa or "peoples of African descent" later on further pinpointing the whitening and the national identity they wished to project.
I was very curious when reading this book and how different the questions of race would be from the other cases of former Spanish colonies. What I realized is that with the introduction and encouragement of European immigrants, that Brazil wanted to slowly "whiten" their society. black North American immigration”: it “harms the solution of the black problem of the nation.” By the “solution of the black problem in Brazil,” Florenico meant the “peaceful” race relations resulting from activism.” (48) By refusing African based immigration to the country Brazil truly was trying to establish a national identity that was "white". On top of this, the books premise of Black intellectuals finding for the rights of Afro-Brazilians, is very well taken in comparison to the notion that white Brazilians are thought to have finally brought equal rights. This book was very interesting as we havent really discussed Brazil too much this semester.
I felt like throughout this reading, and many others throughout the semester, that the ideas of agency, image, and language intertwined within Alberto's discussion. “Toward the end of the twentieth century, most black thinkers and many other students of black Brazilian politics argued that ideologies of racial harmony had effectively prevented politically committed black Brazilians from challenging or indeed fully grasping the deep racial inequalities and pervasive racism they encountered in the century after abolition” (pg. 4). Regarding agency I feel that the above quote parallels To Die This Way in that by eliminating a certain group of people in dismissing racial inequalities robs the groups that lack identity of agency to do anything about inequalities. This also brings language into the equation in that if groups are ignored in the spectrum of identities in the national image, they the also lack a name which cements their lack of identity. When the language is not there to describe an issue, then it becomes much harder to articulate why and how an issue arises which contributes to the image of a group of individuals and limits their agency.
So far in 'Terms of Inclusion,' I am seeing a number of key parallels with 'The Work of Recognition' and 'The Hour of Eugenics.' On some levels, Brazil and Colombia had gone down similar paths after emancipation, though this happened for each of them at different times. Both societies seemed to embrace the notion of racial democracy, what I would call an ideology of colorblindness, yet each society seemed to include a great deal of racism in practicality while denying it in their respective philosophies.
ReplyDeleteBoth McGraw and Alberto also seem engaged in a similar project of cultural history in which they seek to uncover the voices of black intellectuals (cultural elites). On this note, the two stories seem also to diverge a great deal. While black intellectual elites, like Obeso, in Colombia were either isolated by virtue or prevailing racism or needed to try and assimilate into the wider national discourse, the Brazilian "Class of Color" represented an intellectual and social community which straddled the fence of racial democracy by embracing their blackness and simultaneously advocating for racial unity (i.e., "fraternity). Also interesting is the extent to which the "Class of Color," as its name clearly suggests, represents a conflation of class and race, perhaps the antithesis of the Boga construction of race and class we saw in Colombia.
At the same time, the argument in "Terms of Inclusion" seems highly consistent with the discourse surrounding Eugenics in Latin America in the early twentieth century. While no one was advocating extermination or sterilization policies, the notions of nation building through racial cohesion and the tacit (and not so tacit) embrace of white bodily aesthetics and a very obvious desire to whiten the population through deterring black immigrants and courting white ones is really worth noting.
I agree that many of the components of Alberto's discussion seem parallel "The Work of Recognition" and "The Hour of Eugenics". I feel like there are also similarities with "To Die This Way" as well, as racial cohesion was a focal point as the myth of the mestizaje attempted to render indigenous people invisible from the national identity. There is also an attempt to silence the voices of black individuals in Brazil through the narrative of a lack of racial inequalities.
DeleteAlberto in “Terms of Inclusion” uses Gilberto Freyre’s work to explain Brazils attempt at a fantasized “racial democracy” along with black thinkers to explain how this is not the truth behind Brazil’s history. Freyre was responsible for developing a relationship between whiteness, nativeness, and blackness that was non-existent. Alberto acknowledges this when she says, “rather than celebrate the eventual erasure of Africans and Indians in the process of mixture with Europeans, as had proponents of whitening, Freyre lauded the unique combination of peoples and cultures that resulted.” And as a result Freyre emphasized the role of Africans as “co-colonists,” and made the relations between Africans and Europeans a “centerpiece” of Brazil’s “racial harmony.”
ReplyDeleteFreyre’s beliefs are a complete contrast to the reality of Brazil’s racial history as most Brazilians of color continues to occupy low social and economic positions, ultimately making all the “racial democratic” rhetoric a false attempt at erasing an “embarrassing” history.
What did you guys think about this? Do you guys think that writers like Freyre are ultimately racist for trying to create a false sense of a racial reality?
I liked how you mentioned that although Brazilian elites pride themselves on a "racial democracy", we see the evidence that this is not so. Especially when you bring up the fact that social and economic positions (as well as gender roles) were indicative of this being false. I think he argued more of a "race beyond race" sort of idea that would kind of overshadow the idea of physical (scientific? or not so scientific) ideas of race.
DeleteHi all,
ReplyDeleteThis week, I was very drawn to the narrative and analysis of the Mae Preta (sp) in the 1920s, which Alberto identifies as indicative of a shift in Brazil's race-making from whitening and towards something different. Of particular interest was differing discourse between white intellectuals--whose championing of the Mae Preta "was rooted in nostalgia for the slave-holding past" (108)--and black intellectuals, who attempted to assert belonging "whether as members of a distinct black race or as members of a mestico (sp) race forged in part through unique contributions of Africans" (108).
Though the interpretations by both black and white men surrounding the Mae Preta and what it symbolized are, at times, misogynistic, I found it fascinating to learn that such a discourse in which labor, recognition, AND the colonial past were engaged with. It seemed to me the first time in this course in which "the concrete contributions of, and debts owed to, the 'black race'" (95) was a concern expressed on a local and national level.
Ricardo, I found your comment interesting, and I had to reflect a bit on this. Though we have seen many cases in which Indianness was incorporated into the nation-building processes of various states and even some attempts to incorporate the images of conquistadors, I think you are right that this is the first case we have seen wherein Africanness or blackness has been part of this project of nation building. I also agree that this entails a built-in sense of patriarchy as well. Though I feel there were some positive aspects of this whole debate, it was also deeply troubling on a lot of levels. It is certainly constructive that there was a discourse taking place which both acknowledged African ancestry instead of disappearing it or ignoring it through ideologies based on over-imagined amalgamation or the very real attempts to whiten the country. Yet, the quote you cite above (regarding "nostalgia") also makes me cautious about buying into this iconography too easily. Another important aspect of gender here is the conscious effort to cast Brazil's black past in very feminized terms - a factor which downplays certain labor-related aspects of slavery and also casts black males as somehow less, at least within this highly patriarchal discourse of nation making.
DeleteWhat I found interesting about the concept of Mae Preta, was just how powerful it became as a symbol of black “motherhood” for Brazil. There’s something definelty not right here in regards to race and gender which is shown by Alberto, but what is facinating here is that many Brazilians believe in the Mae Preta that monuments, and even songs were created as a result.
DeleteA black artist, Caco Velho even makes a song called “Mae Preta” (which places blackness on a mantel) and was banned in Portugal, in a time in which the country was trying to hold on to its colonies in Africa. The fact that this song, or even the idea of Mae Preta, was a threat to Portuguese colonialism really shows the power that Brazilians placed onto the Mae Preta and its attempts at glorifying Black “motherhood.”
Alberto approaches the topic of race in Brazil through the writings and ideas of black activists and their struggle for inclusion in a severely hierarchical society. It was interesting to see the perspective of the opposing force as opposed to the elite. The constant battle of racial inclusion in a society that was "raceless". Despite this, race found its way into other aspects of Brazilian society such as in social class, economics and gender. The embracing of African American heritage was in direct opposition to the notion of a racial democracy because of the continued disenfranchisement through other areas. The rise in Brazilian nationalism and a pure Brazilian ethnicity without blackness was being contested by the activist as Alberto describes.
ReplyDeleteI was struck by the persistence of the elite to masquerade as a country that was “race less” yet supported an ideology that made every effort to eliminate the African influence from constructs of Brazilian identity. Black intellectuals used the black press, especially in Sao Paulo, to mount campaigns of resistance to fight for their national identities and expose the myth of a Brazilian national discourse of racial democracy.
ReplyDeleteI agree, its pretty obvious their was a clear divide among the white and black press upon this issue. This books discussion on how the black press tried to shed light on constant issues of a racial democracy made it interesting. Whitening society is something that I feel speaks to this point as well, as Brazil completely barred immigration from Africa or "peoples of African descent" later on further pinpointing the whitening and the national identity they wished to project.
DeleteI was very curious when reading this book and how different the questions of race would be from the other cases of former Spanish colonies. What I realized is that with the introduction and encouragement of European immigrants, that Brazil wanted to slowly "whiten" their society. black North American immigration”: it “harms the solution of the black problem of the nation.” By the “solution of the black problem in Brazil,” Florenico meant the “peaceful” race relations resulting from activism.” (48) By refusing African based immigration to the country Brazil truly was trying to establish a national identity that was "white". On top of this, the books premise of Black intellectuals finding for the rights of Afro-Brazilians, is very well taken in comparison to the notion that white Brazilians are thought to have finally brought equal rights. This book was very interesting as we havent really discussed Brazil too much this semester.
ReplyDeleteI felt like throughout this reading, and many others throughout the semester, that the ideas of agency, image, and language intertwined within Alberto's discussion. “Toward the end of the twentieth century, most black thinkers and many other students of black Brazilian politics argued that ideologies of racial harmony had effectively prevented politically committed black Brazilians from challenging or indeed fully grasping the deep racial inequalities and pervasive racism they encountered in the century after abolition” (pg. 4). Regarding agency I feel that the above quote parallels To Die This Way in that by eliminating a certain group of people in dismissing racial inequalities robs the groups that lack identity of agency to do anything about inequalities. This also brings language into the equation in that if groups are ignored in the spectrum of identities in the national image, they the also lack a name which cements their lack of identity. When the language is not there to describe an issue, then it becomes much harder to articulate why and how an issue arises which contributes to the image of a group of individuals and limits their agency.
ReplyDelete